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Gary E. Schnittjer Copyright © 2011 The prophets are persons. The prophets are books. The prophetic traditions connect these, and stretch before and from these. The prophets of the ancient Hebrews serve God by bringing his word to his people. They are, above all, preachers. The preachers speak God’s word of doom against his people. Their word of impending judgment emerges from God’s covenant with his people as embodied in the Torah of Moses. At the same time, they offer a confident message of God’s faithfulness to his word, a sure basis of strength and hope. Prophets played a role in much of ancient Mesopotamia and the Levant. Ancient prophets spoke for the gods, criticized immorality, interpreted signs, denounced enemies, and predicted future events. Prophets often served as part of the king’s court. In Assyria the prophetic writings were compiled by scribes arranging oracles in favor of the king, with oracles from different prophets on the same tablet (see van der Toorn, 184). The prophets of Israel and Judah functioned in many of the same ways, yet the unity of their books are based on the prophets themselves. The Hebrew Bible refers to prophets as seers or visionaries (hozeh, ro’eh), or as spokespersons, that is prophets (navi’). The former accented the prophet’s ability to envision things others could not see (see 1 Sam 9:9). The latter suggests the prophet announces the deity’s will and speaks his word (see Exod 7:1). While prophets do speak of future things, they primarily focus on present challenge, even in the announcement of what is coming. The Deuteronomistic storymakers offer a good profile of their function. “Yahweh warned Israel and Judah by the hand
of all the prophets and every seer, saying, ‘Turn from your evil ways and keep
my commands, my statutes, according to all the instruction (torah) that I have commanded your
ancestors and that I sent to you by the hand of my servants the prophets. But
they did not listen and they stiffened their necks like the necks of their
ancestors, who were not faithful to Yahweh their God” (2 Kgs 17:13‑14).[1] The prophets are frequently characterized as God’s servants preaching doom upon the rebellious people (see 1 Kgs 14:15‑16; 2 Kgs 17:23; 24:2; Amos 2:11‑12; 3:7; Ezek 38:17). The judgment seems inevitable. Yet, the people see the contingency of the message in the prophetic tradition (see Jer 26:17‑19; Mic 3:12). The “false prophets,” by contrast offer well-being (shalom) and hope in the face of crises, often claiming to speak for the God of Israel and Judah (Jer 5:30‑31; 6:9‑15; 14:11‑16; 23:9‑32; 27‑29; Ezek 13; Lam 2:14). Whereas the false prophets are sometimes indicted for immoral lifestyles (e.g., Jer 23), the basis of true prophets of God is entirely unrelated to the ethical standing of the prophet “but measured completely by the effect of the word of God” (Childs 1985, 143). Notable examples are Balaam and the prophetic story in First Kings 13. Moses looks to a day when many religious practices entice and many divine messenger claimants speak messages to the people of God. In that context the people are called to remain loyal to their God. Moses tells the people that Yahweh said, “I will raise up a prophet for them from their midst like you [Moses], and I will put my words in his mouth and he will tell to them all that I command. And it will be, the one who does not listen to my words that he speaks in my name, I myself will require from the person” (Deut 18:18‑19). Moses goes on to distinguish the true from the false prophet. God’s prophets speak in accord with reality and false prophets speak things which do not take place (see 18:9‑20; also see Nicholson 2010). The real issue in the scriptures is that God reveals his will by the prophets (see Childs 1985, 133-44). The prophets speak God’s word, the word he gives them. Sometimes he moves them through immediate means like visions or by a variety of ecstatic existential experiences. At other times the prophets draw upon the word of God according to the traditions of Moses. Though mechanisms for the mediation of the message are not explained the divine source is routinely accented, with “Thus says Yahweh,” and the like (on the divine inspiration of the prophets see Smith). Yet, at the same time, the prophets speak with their own voices (see von Rad, 70-79; Childs 1985, 126-27). They often speak in poetic discourse, and sometimes in prose sermons (on prophetic poetry see Geller). The large body of poetic oracles create both a natural transcendence and an ambiguity of reference by which the messages can be and are recycled, repurposed, and reappropriated. The prophetic tradition is shaped by Israel’s other emerging authoritative traditions even while it is itself among the most powerful of the shaping forces (see Childs 1996, 375-76). The dialectic between prophet as person and as book can be accessed by an historical approach (see von Rad).[2] The pre-exilic prophets are broadly situated against the Assyrian crisis of the later eighth century bce including the fall of Samaria (esp. Hos, Amos, Isa, Mic) and the Babylonian crisis leading up to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 bce (esp. Jer, Zeph, Hab, Ezek). The point is not to date or position or restrict the prophetic references to particular historical settings—this is necessary but of itself inadequate (see Childs 1978, esp. 53). Reading the emerging prophetic traditions across the historical axis provides a valuable means of connecting the prophets’ message and the interpretive function of their growing authority. “The hermeneutical point to emphasize is that for Isaiah history is understood in the light of prophecy, not prophecy in light of history” (Childs 1996, 373). The prophets bear witness to God’s justice in punishing his people by the great Mesopotamian empires. The early prophetic traditions transcend their historical moment and offer God’s word by analogy to later generations. In sum, the prophets need to be heard in their historical situation even while they are part of a dynamic interrelated growing scriptural traditions which reveals God’s will across the generations. The prophetic books did not drop out of the sky in finished form. Most of them bear the marks of editing, redacting, and updating (see Nicholson 1970, 2; Nicholson 2010, 162‑63). Just as the prophets do not offer descriptive reflection of the manner of God’s word coming to them, so too they do not reflect on the process of compiling the oracles, sermons, and other materials into collections or books (see Childs 1985, 123-25). The rare exception is Jeremiah 36 which narrates putting into writing successive drafts of an early collection of his oracles. The narrative acknowledges the collaboration and expansion of Jeremiah’s message by his scribe Baruch. “Then, Jeremiah took another scroll and he gave it to the scribe, Baruch son of Neriah, and he wrote upon it according to the dictation of Jeremiah all the words of the scroll that Jehoiakim king of Judah had burned n the fire, and may similar words were added to them” (Jer 36:3). I do not imagine the growth of each of the prophetic collections is the same.[3] Yet, I think the narrative in Jeremiah 36 aptly describes the collaborative path from the oracles themselves to written collections including expansions. Reading the prophets in historical context is of itself insufficient to make sense of their witness to the gospel. The New Testament writers accept the unity of the prophetic message of the hope of salvation (see, e.g., Acts 3:24; 1 Pet 1:10; Childs 1985, 128-32). Christian interpretation has maintained a commitment to interpret the prophets according to both the historical context of their own day and according to their witness to the gospel of Messiah. Christian interpretation of the prophets requires an ongoing struggle to hear their message within its historical framework and within the context of the gospel (see Childs 2004). The prophets as Christian scripture speak authoritatively to every generation. Whereas the Judaic structure of authoritative teaching is Torah, for Christianity it is scripture.[4] Rabbinic tradition dealt with the problem of authority for laws in the prophets which did not appear in the Torah by reference to the Oral Torah, by which the prophets derived their authority from Moses (see m. Aboth, 1:1).[5] Jesus and the New Testament writers regard Torah and Prophets with the same authority. This is not to say the New Testament has a flat view of the Hebrew scriptures—not at all. The New Testament teachings show many subtle distinctions even while maintaining the full authority of the prophets. The canonical shaping of the prophets includes the headings or superscriptions of each book. An analogy can be made with the headings of many psalms. “The titles represent an early reflection of how the Psalms as a collection of sacred literature were understood. The titles established a secondary setting which became normative for the canonical tradition. In this sense the titles form an important link in the history of exegesis” (Childs 1971, 137). Likewise several of the scriptural wisdom writings sport headings which associate the writings with certain teachers (see Prov 1:1; 10:1; 22:17; 24:23; 25:1; 30:1; 31:1; Song 1:1; Eccles 1:1‑2; cf. 7:27; 12:8‑14). The “fundamental intention” of the prophetic headings is to identity these collections of oracles—more like books than anthologies—as the word of God (see Tucker, 68). A partial ancient analogue to the biblical prophetic is the “book of Balaam” discovered in 1967 in the valley of Succoth near the Jabbok river. The book was made into a public display document when it was written in plaster on at the entrance of a temple, dating to c. ninth century bce. The book makes reference to El and a divine council as well as the underworld (possibly using the word sheol). The heading of the book has some similarities with the headings of the biblical prophetic books. “The misfortunes of the Book of Balaam, son of Beor. A divine seer [ĥzh] was he” (see Levine; also van der Toorn, 175-76). The biblical prophetic books “derive their unity from the person of the prophet” (van der Toorn, 184). While there is some variety to the headings of the various prophetic collections many elements are shared. For example, each heading is a phrase, not a sentence, usually complemented by a series of clauses. The titles associate the collections with author-preachers. The heading of the book of Amos provides a good model of the superscriptions: title of the collection, description of the preacher, description of the collection, relative date (see Tucker, esp. 60‑61). It is worth looking at all of them together. The vision of Isaiah son of Amoz which he gazed upon
concerning Judah and Jerusalem, in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and
Hezekiah kings of Judah (1:1)
The words of Jeremiah son of Hilkiah from the priests who were at Anathoth in the land of Benjamin, to whom was the word of Yahweh, in the days of Josiah, son of Amon, king of Judah in the thirteenth year of his reign. And it was in the days of Jehoiakim, son of Josiah, king of Judah, until the end of the eleventh year of Zedekiah, son of Josiah, king of Judah, until the captivity of Jerusalem in the fifth month (1:1‑3) (notes on heading) And it was in the thirtieth year, in the fifth day of the fourth month, now I was in the midst of the exiles by the river Chebar, the heavens opened and I saw visions of God. On the fifth day of the month, it was the fifth year of the exile of king Jehoiachin, the word of Yahweh certainly was to Ezekiel, son of Buzi, the priest, in the land of Chaldeans by the river Chebar, and the hand of Yahweh was upon him there (1:1‑3) (notes on heading) The word of Yahweh that was to Hosea son of Beeri, in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam, son of Joash, king of Israel (1:1) The word of Yahweh that was to Joel, son of Pethuel (1:1) The words of Amos, who was amongst the sheep-breeders of Tekoa, which he gazed upon concerning Israel in the days of Uzziah king of Judah and in the days of Jeroboam, son of Joash, king of Israel, two years before the earthquake (1:1) The vision of Obadiah (1a) And the word of Yahweh was to Jonah, son of Amittai, saying (1:1) The word of Yahweh that was to Micah of Moresheth, in the days of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, which he gazed upon concerning Samaria and Jerusalem (1:1) An oracle concerning Nineveh. The book of the vision of Nahum of Elkosh (1:1) The oracle that Habakkuk, the prophet gazed upon (1:1) The word of Yahweh that was to Zephaniah son of Cushi son of Gedaliah son of Amariah son of Hezekiah, in the days of Josiah, son of Amon, king of Judah (1:1) In the second year of Darius the king, in the sixth month, on the first day of the month, the word of Yahweh was in the hand of Haggai the prophet, to Zerubbal son of Shealtiel, governor of Judah, and to Joshua, son of Jehozadak, the high priest, saying (1:1; also see 1:15; 2:1, 10, 20) In the eighth month, in the second year of Darius, the word of Yahweh was to Zechariah, son of Berechiah son of Iddo, the prophet, saying (1:1; also see 1:7; 7:1) An oracle, the word of Yahweh to Israel by the hand of Malachi (1:1; also see Zech 9:1; 12:1) For further introduction to the prophets see esp. McConville, xi-xxx. Also see my “retired” introductory materials, and see a bibliography. References Brevard S. Childs, “The Canonical Shape of Prophetic Literature,” Interpretation 32 (1978): 46-55. Old Testament Theology in a Canonical Context (Fortress Press, 1985), 122-144. “Prophecy and Fulfillment: A Study of Contemporary Hermeneutics,” Interpretation 70 (1958): 259-71. “Psalm Titles and Midrashic Exegesis,” Journal of Semitic Studies 16 (1971): 137-50. “Retrospective
[1]
Translation mine unless stated otherwise.
[2]
For interaction with von Rad on the prophets, see Brevard Childs “Gerhard von Rad in American Dress,”
77-86, in Donald G. Miller, ed., The
Hermeneutical Quest: Essays in Honor of James Luther Mays on his Sixty-fifth
Birthday (Allison Park, Pa.: Pickwick Publications, 1986). Also,
note several lengthy interactions with von Rad on the prophets by Christopher
R. Seitz, see Prophecy and Hermeneutics:
Toward a New Introduction to the Prophets (Baker, 2007), esp. 19-22, 61-64,
114-17, 156-82, 192-94; Word Without End:
The Old Testament as Abiding Theological Witness (Eerdmans, 1998), 28-40; Figured Out: Typology and Providence in
Christian Scripture (Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), 35-47, esp. 35-36;
and The Goodly Fellowship of the
Prophets: The Achievement of Association in Canon Formation (Baker, 2009),
66-70, 80-81.
[3]
For discussion of the nuances of author, scribes, editor, redactor, and the
like, see James W. Watts, “Text and Redaction in Jeremiah’s Oracles Against the
Nations,” Catholic Biblical Quarterly 54
(1992): 437‑38; Emanuel Tov, “The Literary History of the Book of Jeremiah in
the Light of Its Textual History,” 214, n. 17, in Jeffery H. Tigay, ed., Empirical Models for Biblical Criticism
(Eugene, Oreg: Wipf & Stock, 1985).
[4] I
am using the terms scripture and canon synonymously with reference to their
relative degree of authority to the believing community of God’s people, contra A. C. Sundberg, Jr., “The Bible
and the Christian Doctrine of Inspiration,” Interpretation
29 (1975): 352-371. I acknowledge Sundberg’s argument with reference to the
relative authority of the emerging traditions and the full authority of the
closed canonical text. I think, however, the terms scripture, Bible, and canon,
each connote the same authority.
[5]
See Avi Sion, A Formal Analysis of
Biblical, Talmudic, and Rabbinic Logic (Geneva, 1995), 9, n. 7.
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